用户:Cypp0847/邱吉尔看守内阁
| Cypp0847/邱吉尔看守内阁 | |
|---|---|
 英国看守政府 | |
| 1945年5月至7月 | |
 1945年6月27日， 温斯顿·邱吉尔在大选竞选期间发言 | |
| 建立日期 | 1945年5月23日 |
| 解散日期 | 1945年7月26日 |
| 组织与人物 | |
| 英皇 | 佐治六世 |
| 首相 | 温斯顿·邱吉尔 |
| 历任首脑 | 1940–1945 |
| 副政府首脑 | 没有[a] |
| 成员总数 | 92人 |
| 议会地位 | 多数派政府 |
| 反对党 | 工党 |
| 反对党领袖 | 克莱曼·艾德礼 |
| 历史 | |
| 卸任选举 | 1945年大选 |
| 议会任期 | 37th UK Parliament |
| 前任 | 邱吉尔战时内阁 |
| 继任 | 艾德礼内阁 |
邱吉尔看守内阁（英语：Churchill caretaker ministry）是第二次世界大战期间的英国内阁，任期为1945年5月23日至7月26日，时任首相为保守党党魁温斯顿·邱吉尔。
邱吉尔在1940年5月10日首次拜相，组成跨党派联盟战时内阁，阁员来自保守党、工党及自由党的领导层。纳粹德国投降后，联盟内的党派未能就是否续任至日本战败而达成共识，内阁因而倒台。
看守政府继续在远东迎战日本的同时，首相将重心放在波茨坦会议，因为他届时将连同外交大臣艾登会见苏联领导人史太林和美国总统杜鲁门。至于国内政策重点则是国家的战后复苏，包括教育、卫生、房屋、工业、社会福利各方面的改革。同年7月5日，英国举行十年来首场大选。各党派在竞选期间聚焦上述议题，争取选民支持。由于大量驻扎国外的军人的选票需时运回英国，因此选举结果要直至7月5日才能公布。随著工党在选举中大胜，邱吉尔因而辞任首相，由他的战时内阁副手克莱曼·艾德礼接任，筹组工党政府.
背景
1935年大选让保守党取得足够有馀的议席筹组政府，由史丹利·宝云出任首相一职[1]。1937年5月，宝云退休后，接任的内维尔·张伯伦延续前朝政府的绥靖主义政策，应对日德意的威胁[2]。1938年，张伯伦与纳粹德国元首希特拉签署《慕尼黑协定》后，他警觉到德国的侵略之心日益膨胀，因而在1939年3月签署《英波军事同盟》，承诺一旦波兰遭受攻击，英国将会出手协防[3]。波兰被纳粹德国入侵后，张伯伦在1939年9月3日向纳粹德国宣战，继而组成战时内阁。邱吉尔虽然自1929年6月起已无供职，但仍获邀入阁出任第一海军大臣[4]。
1940年春季，德国成功入侵挪威，国内更加不满张伯伦的领导能力。5月8日，下议院进行挪威辩论期间，在野的工党要求进行表决，被视为是实际上的不信任动议。虽然政府渡过一劫，但议会内的优势已经由213席急跌至81席，无疑是对张伯伦的一大打击[5]。
5月10日，德国开始入侵荷兰和比利时。张伯伦一度考虑请辞挂冠，但认为时机不当而放弃此想法[6]。同日，工党决定不会加入张伯伦领导下的全国联盟，但会加入由保守党另有其人出任首相的政府[7]。张伯伦及后请辞，并进言英皇任命邱吉尔为继任人。新任英揆邱吉尔马上筹组全国联盟，让工党和自由党的领军人物出任内阁的关键职位[7]。纵然曾经历严重挫败，战时内阁仍然稳阵，最终与美苏合作击败纳粹德国[8]。
扩大联盟
1944年10月，邱吉尔在下议院发表演说，动议国会延任多一年，以待德国甚至日本战败。英国自1935年后已没举行国会选举，而邱吉尔亦决定，当战事结束后，就会尽快举行大选。邱吉尔未能估计对日战争何时了结，但他有信心德国会在明年夏季前败仗，因此他告诉在席议员：“我们必须视结束纳粹主义战争为确定何时举行下场大选的指标”[9]。
1945年4月初，英国在欧洲战场的胜利在即，邱吉尔会见副首相兼工党党魁克莱曼·艾德礼，商讨战时内阁的未来去向。艾德礼原定在4月17日起程前往美国，出席成立联合国的旧金山会议，预计5月16日才会返国。同行的还有内阁大臣安东尼·艾登、傅罗伦丝·何士保和爱伦·韦健臣。邱吉尔向艾德礼保证，国会不会在他们仍未返国前解散。5月8日欧战胜利纪念日之后，邱吉尔改变了提前大选的想法，建议联盟执政至日本战败[10]。
不过，属工党的内政大臣夏拔·摩理臣却在此时公布题为《让我们面对未来》的声明，被视为选举的竞选宣言。多名保守党中人随之回应。拉票活动起初不算热烈，更在4月30日希特拉死亡后一度沉寂，但到欧战胜利纪念日后重拾步伐[11]。5月11日，邱吉尔会见摩理臣以及劳工国务大臣安内斯·贝凡，透露自己希望现届政府执政至日本战败[12]。二人则转述工党全国执行委员会（全国执委会）的取态，认为无论远东战况如何，大选都应该在10月举行，因为对日战争可能还要持续十八个月[12][13]。工党拒绝联盟执政至10月后，保守党内部开始呼吁邱吉尔在6月或7月举行选举。比华博勋爵和布兰登·白勤等保守党高层想藉邱吉尔“打赢仗”的个人魅力，从中获益[9]。反之，工党希望邱吉尔的支持度回落。同党的摩理臣亦指出，最新和较为准确的选民数字会在10月前出炉[13]。
艾登和艾德礼在5月16日回国后，艾德礼在当晚与邱吉尔会面。虽然艾德礼支持看守内阁执政至日本战败，但他留意到大多数工党党员持不同意见[12][14]。邱吉尔致函全国执委会，提出折衷方案，当中包括贝凡加入的社会改革承诺，但全国执委会仍然认为不足以说服他们转軚。5月20日周日，全国执委会通过支持在10月举行全国大选，决议翌日获绝大多数大会代表赞成[15][14]，艾德礼之后致电邱吉尔告知工党的决定。在比华博透过旗下报章煽风点火下，二人开始不和[16]。
5月23日周三中午，邱吉尔向英皇佐治六世呈交辞呈[17]。他执意回府唐宁街，让外界以为英皇仍能选择邀请何人筹组新政府。下午四点，邱吉尔再获白金汉宫召见，英皇邀请他筹组新一任政府，直至选举结果尘埃落定；邱吉尔决定接受[18][19]。当局同意国会将于6月15日解散，7月5日举行大选。由于有大量现役军人身在海外，因此大选点票只会在7月26日开始，以待收集军人的选票[16]。
筹组内阁
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邱吉尔的新政府虽然通称“看守内阁”，但正式名称仍为“国民政府”，意味新政府延续三十年代起由保守党主导的跨党派联盟。新政府亦继续是保守党阁员为主，获细党国民自由党以及约翰·安达臣爵士等人支持[20]。邱吉尔在5月26日早上完成任命所有阁僚后，便偕同妻子克莱曼婷驾车前往他的选区活特福德，发表首次竞选演说[18]。他回应“看守”昵称时表示：“他们都叫我们‘看守者’；我们包容这个称号，因为这代表我们要好好看管所有影响英国福祉和英国各阶层的所有事物[20][18]。”5月28日，邱吉尔正式获英皇再次任命为首相[16]。
此后，工党与自由党的国会议员组成反对党，除了身在内阁的自由党议员桂廉·莱德·佐治。佐治自1942年6月起出任燃料及电力国务大臣，他亦应邱吉尔邀请留任看守内阁。邱吉尔筹组内阁时的主要工作是撤换所有工党和自由党的大臣，并没有大规模重整政府架构，只新增了两个职位：其一是彼得·霍尼戈夫出任的战争运输部国会秘书；其二是另一位外交政务副大臣，任命了卢福勋爵去分担邓格拉斯勋爵的工作[21]。
国内事件
由于大选在即，因此国会在看守内阁执政时的会期只有十四日，由5月29日去到6月15日，期间曾发生过一些争议。6月7日，邱吉尔拒绝下议院的要求，公开雅尔塔会议的所有讨论事宜，仅强调没有任何密约[22]。国会会期中止在6月15日中止前的一刻，总共有27项法令获御准[b]，全都是战时内阁执政期间国会动议和辩论的法案，当中尤以重要的是《1945年家庭津贴法令》。 which came into effect on 6 August 1946. This Act is important as the firs UK law to provide child benefit and it is seen as a tribute to the work done over thirty years by Eleanor Rathbone who championed the family allowance cause.[24][c]
The government was actively involved in monitoring levels of rationing. Key to this was the Ministry of Food under John Llewellin and his parliamentary secretary, Florence Horsbrugh. A number of changes were actioned on 27 May, three weeks after VE Day, including cuts in the bacon ration from 4oz to 3oz per week, in the cooking fat ration from 2oz to 1oz, and a one-eighth cut in the soap ration, except for babies and young children.[26][27] There was good news on 1 June for civilian motorists, though very few people owned private cars in 1945, when the basic petrol ration for civilians was restored. It had been abolished on 1 July 1942 when petrol consumption was restricted to military and industrial use only.[27] There was otherwise very little change with most food products continuing to be rationed as during the war. The same applied to clothing until 1949, and the Utility Clothing Scheme continued under its "Make Do and Mend" ethos.[27]
There was little opportunity within such a short Parliament, and with an election campaign underway, for any effective measures to be brought forward by the caretaker administration and so, for the most part, they kept a watching brief while trying to convince the electorate that they would get down to the real business after the election. With this in mind, a cornerstone of the Conservative manifesto was implementation of the coalition government's Four-Year Plan.[28] According to Martin Gilbert, Churchill was influenced in this by the views of his daughter Sarah.[28] The Four-Year Plan had been prepared two years earlier by William Beveridge and called for the creation of the National Health Service (NHS) and the welfare state. These measures were also part of the Labour manifesto and Churchill, encouraged by Sarah and others, decided to go further by promising free milk for the under-fives and a housing programme to ensure "homes for all".[28][d]
国际事件
续迎战日本
The war against Japan continued for the duration of the caretaker ministry and ended on 15 August, three weeks after Churchill's resignation.[30] Even before the defeat of Germany, Churchill had told the Americans that he wanted the Royal Navy to play a prominent role in the defeat of Japan and the liberation of Britain's Asian colonies, especially Singapore. The Americans were unenthusiastic, suspecting that Churchill's intentions were primarily imperialist. Neither Franklin Roosevelt nor Harry Truman had any intention of helping to sustain the British Empire.[31]
In their successful campaigns of 1944 and the early months of 1945, the British Army and its allies had mostly cleared Burma of Japanese forces by May 1945. Rangoon had fallen to the Allies on 2 May following the Battle of Elephant Point. While Churchill hoped for a triumphant re-entry to Singapore,[31] its recovery was logistically difficult and it remained under Japanese control until 12 September when it was finally recovered, following the Japanese surrender, by British forces in Operation Tiderace.[32]
波茨坦会议
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Churchill was Great Britain's representative at the post-war Potsdam Conference when it opened on 17 July. It was a "Big Three" event with Joseph Stalin representing the Soviet Union and President Harry Truman the United States. Ever since the conference was first proposed, Churchill had worried about the countries of eastern Europe, especially Poland, which had been overrun by the Red Army.[33] He was accompanied at the sessions not only by Eden as Foreign Secretary but also by Attlee, pending the result of the general election held on 5 July.[34][35] They attended nine sessions in nine days before returning to England for their election counts. After the landslide Labour victory, Attlee returned to Potsdam with Ernest Bevin as the new Foreign Secretary and there were a further five days of discussion.[36]
According to Eden, Churchill's performance at Potsdam was "appalling" because he was unprepared and verbose. Eden said Churchill upset the Chinese, exasperated the Americans and was easily led by Stalin, whom he was supposed to be resisting.[37] This negative version of events is contradicted by Gilbert who describes Churchill's eager involvement in discussions with Stalin and Truman. Their main topics were the successful testing by the Americans of the atom bomb and the demarcation of a new frontier between Poland and East Germany. Stalin insisted on extending the frontier westward to the Oder and Western Neisse rivers, forming the Oder–Neisse line and thus incorporating most of Silesia into Poland. Churchill and Truman opposed this proposal but to no avail. Gilbert does recount that Field Marshal Montgomery was worried about Churchill's health, saying in a letter that Churchill had "put on ten years since I last saw him".[38]
黎凡特危机
Earlier, on 31 May, Churchill and Eden had intervened in the so-called Levant Crisis which had been initiated by French General Charles de Gaulle. Acting as head of the French Provisional Government, de Gaulle had ordered French forces to establish an air base in Syria and a naval base in Lebanon. The action provoked a nationalist outbreak in both countries and France responded with an armed retaliation, leading to many civilian deaths. With the situation escalating out of control, Churchill gave de Gaulle an ultimatum to desist. This was ignored and British forces from neighbouring Transjordan were mobilised to restore order. The French, heavily outnumbered, had no option but to return to their bases. A diplomatic row broke out and Churchill reportedly told a colleague that de Gaulle was "a great danger to peace and for Great Britain".[39]
首相请辞
Churchill mishandled the election campaign by resorting to party politics and trying to denigrate Labour.[40] On 4 June, he committed a serious political gaffe by saying in a radio broadcast that a Labour government would require "some form of Gestapo" to enforce its agenda:[41][42][43]
No Socialist Government conducting the entire life and industry of the country could afford to allow free, sharp, or violently-worded expressions of public discontent. They would have to fall back on some form of Gestapo, no doubt very humanely directed in the first instance.
It backfired badly and Attlee made political capital by saying in his reply broadcast next day: "The voice we heard last night was that of Mr Churchill, but the mind was that of Lord Beaverbrook". Roy Jenkins says that this broadcast was "the making of Attlee".[44] Richard Toye, writing in 2010, said the Gestapo speech had retained all of the notoriety it gained at the time of delivery. Many of Churchill's colleagues and supporters were appalled by it, including Leo Amery who praised Attlee's "adroit reply to Winston's rhodomontade".[45] The broadcast impacted the electorate's perception of Churchill as their national leader, causing him to lose credibility. The problem was that a national leader was expected to behave differently to a party leader during an election and Churchill failed to strike the right balance.[46]
Nevertheless, although the Gestapo speech created a negative response, Churchill personally retained a very high approval rating in opinion polls and was still expected to win the election.[42] The main reason for his defeat was underlying discontent with, and suspicion of, the Conservative party. There was widespread dissatisfaction with the Conservative-dominated government of the 1930s and, recognising the public mood, Labour ran a very effective campaign which focused on the real issues facing the British people in peacetime – the 1930s had been an era of poverty and mass unemployment, so Labour's manifesto promised full employment, improved housing and the provision of free medical services.[42] These issues were foremost in the minds of the voters and Labour was trusted to resolve them.[42]
Churchill's principal theme in the election campaign was always the perils inherent, as he saw them, in socialism, but the Conservatives had to offer an alternative and Churchill stressed to his colleagues that a Conservative government must be constructive.[47] He saw the housing shortage as the main issue and announced his commitment to rebuilding in a broadcast on 13 June but, as with the Gestapo speech on 4 June, he ruined the effect by again insisting that Labour would deploy some form of political police to control the nation.[28] On 3 July, he called for an intensive effort by his Cabinet colleagues to promote housebuilding[48] and prepare legislation for both national insurance and the NHS, but his concerns in these areas were unknown by the electorate to the extent that, when he addressed an audience in the Labour stronghold of Walthamstow that evening, he was almost forced to abandon the event because of booing and heckling.[49] Many commentators felt that Churchill's election speeches lacked "vim" and there is a view that he was much more interested in what was happening in eastern Europe than in Great Britain, but eastern Europe was Churchill's primary concern at Potsdam.[50]
Polling day was on 5 July and, after the agreed delay for collection of the overseas service votes, the results were declared on 26 July.[16] The outcome was a landslide victory for the Labour Party with a Commons majority of 146 over all other parties.[51] Churchill had a constitutional right to remain in office until defeated by a no confidence vote in the House of Commons. He wanted to exercise this right, partly so he could return to Potsdam as prime minister, but instead was persuaded to resign that evening and was succeeded by Attlee.[51][52][53][54]
The caretaker ministry's short term of office means that a critical assessment of its performance is difficult but Stuart Ball credits Churchill as "a good constructor of cabinets" and says that, although the 1945 government is sometimes unfairly dismissed, "it was a sound and capable team".[55] Gilbert points out that the ministry's efforts were overshadowed by the general election in which Churchill himself was the focus of public interest.[49]
内阁大臣
This table lists those ministers who held Cabinet membership in the caretaker ministry.[21] Many retained roles they held in the war ministry and these are marked in situ with the date of their original appointment. For new appointments, their predecessor's name is given.
阁外大臣
This table lists those ministers who held non-Cabinet roles in the caretaker ministry.[21] Some retained roles they held in the war ministry and these are marked in situ with the date of their original appointment. For new appointments, their predecessor's name is given.
注释
- ^ 时任保守党副党魁安东尼·艾登并没有出任英国副首相。
- ^ 可透过《议会议事录》查证[23]。
- ^ In his closing speech to Parliament, the King said that "legislation has been passed to provide for a scheme of family allowances, in which the families of serving men will be included".[25]
- ^ The housing shortage was still the primary domestic issue when Churchill formed his third ministry in 1951 and future prime minister Harold Macmillan was appointed Minister of Housing and Local Government with a commitment to build 300,000 new houses per annum, a target he achieved.[29]
参考文献
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第485–486页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第514–515页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第543页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第551–552页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第576–582页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第583页.
- ^ 7.0 7.1 Jenkins 2001，第586页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第585页.
- ^ 9.0 9.1 Hermiston 2016，第356页.
- ^ Hermiston 2016，第356–357页.
- ^ Hermiston 2016，第357页.
- ^ 12.0 12.1 12.2 Hermiston 2016，第358页.
- ^ 13.0 13.1 Pelling 1980，第401页.
- ^ 14.0 14.1 Pelling 1980，第402页.
- ^ Hermiston 2016，第359页.
- ^ 16.0 16.1 16.2 16.3 Hermiston 2016，第360页.
- ^ Gilbert 1991，第845–846页.
- ^ 18.0 18.1 18.2 Gilbert 1991，第846页.
- ^ Roberts, Andrew. Churchill: Walking with Destiny. London: Allen Lane. 2018: 879. ISBN 978-02-41205-63-1.
- ^ 20.0 20.1 Hermiston 2016，第364页.
- ^ 21.0 21.1 21.2 Butler & Butler 1994，第17–20页.
- ^ Leonard, Thomas M. Day By Day: The Forties. New York: Facts On File, Inc. 1977: 500. ISBN 978-0-87196-375-8.
- ^ Royal Assent. Hansard, House of Commons, 5th Series, vol. 411, cols 1904–1905. 1945-06-15 [2020-09-04].
- ^ Cross, Rupert. The Family Allowances Act, 1945. The Modern Law Review (London School of Economics & Political Science). October 1946, 9 (3): 284–289. JSTOR 1089952.
- ^ His Majesty's Most Gracious Speech. Hansard, House of Commons, 5th Series, vol. 411, cols 1905–1910. 1945-06-15 [2020-09-04].
- ^ Tingle, Rory. 75 years on from rationing, what did we learn?. The Independent (London: Independent Digital News & Media Limited). 2015-01-08.
- ^ 27.0 27.1 27.2 Zweiniger-Bargielowska, Ina. Rationing, Austerity and the Conservative Party Recovery after 1945. The Historical Journal (Cambridge University Press). March 1994, 37 (1): 173–197. JSTOR 2640057. doi:10.1017/S0018246X00014758.
- ^ 28.0 28.1 28.2 28.3 Gilbert 1991，第847页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第844–845页.
- ^ Text of Hirohito's Radio Rescript. The New York Times (New York City). 1945-08-15: 3 [2020-07-28].
- ^ 31.0 31.1 Jenkins 2001，第756页.
- ^ Park, Keith. Air Operations in South East Asia 3rd May 1945 to 12th September 1945 (PDF). London: War Office. August 1946. published in 第39202號憲報. 伦敦宪报 (Supplement). 1951-04-13.
- ^ Gilbert 1991，第848–849页.
- ^ Pelling 1980，第404页.
- ^ Gilbert 1991，第848页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第795–796页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第796页.
- ^ Gilbert 1991，第850–854页.
- ^ Fenby, Jonathan. The General: Charles de Gaulle and the France he saved. London: Simon & Schuster. 2011: 42–47. ISBN 978-18-47394-10-1.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第791–795页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第792页.
- ^ 42.0 42.1 42.2 42.3 Addison, Paul. Why Churchill Lost in 1945. BBC History. BBC. 2011-02-17 [2020-06-04].
- ^ Toye 2010，第655页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第793页.
- ^ Toye 2010，第655–656页.
- ^ Toye 2010，第679–680页.
- ^ Gilbert 1991，第846–847页.
- ^ Pelling 1980，第413页.
- ^ 49.0 49.1 Gilbert 1991，第849页.
- ^ Gilbert 1991，第847–848页.
- ^ 51.0 51.1 Gilbert 1991，第855页.
- ^ Hermiston 2016，第366–367页.
- ^ Jenkins 2001，第798–799页.
- ^ Pelling 1980，第408页.
- ^ Ball, Stuart. Churchill and the Conservative Party. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (Cambridge University Press). 2001, 11: 328. JSTOR 3679426. S2CID 153860359. doi:10.1017/S0080440101000160.
Bibliography
- Butler, David; Butler, Gareth. British Political Facts 1900–1994 7. Basingstoke and London: The Macmillan Press. 1994. ISBN 978-03-12121-47-1.
- Gilbert, Martin. Churchill: A Life. London: Heinemann. 1991. ISBN 978-04-34291-83-0.
- Hermiston, Roger. All Behind You, Winston – Churchill's Great Coalition, 1940–45. London: Aurum Press. 2016. ISBN 978-17-81316-64-1.
- Jenkins, Roy. Churchill. London: Macmillan Press. 2001. ISBN 978-03-30488-05-1.
- Pelling, Henry. The 1945 General Election Reconsidered. The Historical Journal (Cambridge University Press). June 1980, 23 (2): 399–414. JSTOR 2638675. doi:10.1017/S0018246X0002433X.
- Toye, Richard. Winston Churchill's "Crazy Broadcast": Party, Nation, and the 1945 Gestapo Speech. Journal of British Studies (Cambridge University Press). July 2010, 49 (3): 655–680. JSTOR 23265382. doi:10.1086/652014. hdl:10871/9424
.
延伸阅读
- Best, Geoffrey. Churchill: A Study in Greatness. London: Bloomsbury. 2001. ISBN 978-18-52852-53-5.
- Neiberg, Michael. Potsdam: The End of World War II and the Remaking of Europe. New York City: Basic Books. 2015. ISBN 978-04-65075-25-6.
- Nicol, Patricia. Sucking Eggs. London: Vintage Books. 2010. ISBN 978-00-99521-12-9.
| 前任： Churchill war ministry |
Government of the United Kingdom 1945 |
继任： First Attlee ministry |