File:Male-Female suicide ratios 2015 (age-standardized).png

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摘要

描述
English: Male–Female ratios of suicide rates in 2015. Data by World Health Organization (rev. April 2017): global average 1.7 : 1 is used as a reference (men were 70% more likely than women to die by suicide). ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­Below, male (left) and female (right) age-standardizedα suicide mortality rates per 100,000 individuals used to derive the above ratios.
 
Less than 1.0 : 1 ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­
 
Less than 1.7* : 1 (*global average) ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­
 
Less than 3.0 : 1 ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­
 
Less than 4.0 : 1 ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­­­­­
 
Above 4.0 : 1 ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­

 
No data ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­

 
0 - 5 ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­
 
5 - 10 ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­
 
10 - 15 ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­
 
15 - 25 ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­
 
25 - 35 ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­
 
Above 35 ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­ ­­­­

Global average was as higher as 1.9 in year 2012 according to the WHO, and 2.0 according to the IHME.[1] Mortality data is always estimated at a degree.

Gender differences in suicide are described since the 1990s, by traditionally higher male suicide rates as contraposed to a typical disproportion of females in nonfatal suicide behavior; a relevant review of previous years' data later mentioned throughout the 2000s, noted this male/female disproportion in suicidality throughout Western countries: the proportion of male suicides was incongruous with that of female suicide attempts, as the male-female ratio of suicides was above 2.4 meaning males completed suicide at least 140% more than females, while the female-male ratio of suicide attempts was 1.5 meaning females attempted suicide 50% more than males.[2][3]

Cited as 'gender paradox of suicidal behavior', it is essentially attributed to post-industrial sociocultural influences and gendered identities: females being more vulnerable to psychological problems and receptive to psychotherapeutic approaches (in western societies mental-health disorders are 20-40% higher in women than men, and female therapists outnumber male) particularly at a young age, report suicide ideation and attempt more frequently and are allowed to discuss their emotions, but males being required to express strength and stoicism assuming social status and working roles crucial for their identity are less likely to seek help for suicidal feelings. Since nonfatal suicidal behavior is typically higher in females while suicide rates are traditionally higher for males, then male vulnerability to suicidal behavior is often explained in terms of higher lethality of suicide methods used and hopelessness, being nevertheless that stigmatization of suicidal behaviors tends to frame surviving a suicidal act and seeking help for mental distress as something ‘inappropriate’ for men: research suggests that the gender gap is partially a result of the choice of more lethal methods and the experience of more aggression, which rather provide an indication of the higher intent to die in men.[4][5][6][7]

This gender gap holds true in western cultures, while narrows elsewhere, unto where these patterns are contradicted entirely in various Asian societies (counting almost half of global population). Indeed gender differences in suicide vary significantly among countries: western societies (cultural heritage of european origin, such as european languages or religion) report a higher male mortality by suicide than any other, while South and East Asian a much lower, with China accounting for the greatest number of female suicides.

Income world map: high-income western cultures in darker green.

Wealth is also a constant, being that the gender gap is generally limited or non-existent in low- and middle-income societies, whereas it is never absent in high-income countries (depicted in darker green aside): 200,000 deliberately take their own life in Europe and the Americas every year, about 40,000 females and 150,000 males.[8][9][10] The problem then is not the old-fashioned question — why do so many women commit suicide in China; the actual question is why do so many men commit suicide in high-income countries?[11]

In the last 45 years suicide rates have increased by 60% worldwide. An estimated one million people per year die by suicide or a death every 40 seconds or about 3,000 every day (more people die from suicide than from murder and war). At the same time, nonfatal episodes are reported up to 20 times as much, with female adolescents and minority groups (migrants, transgenders, etc.) bearing most relevant socio-economic implications for suicide prevention.[12][13][14]

"An estimated 804 000 suicide deaths occurred worldwide in 2012, representing an annual global age-standardized suicide rate of 11.4 per 100 000 population (15.0 for males and 8.0 for females) [..] In richer countries, three times as many men die of suicide than women do, but in low- and middle-income countries the male-to-female ratio is much lower at 1.5 men to each woman."[15]

"In the United States, males are four times more likely to die from suicide than are females. However, females are more likely to attempt suicide than are males. [..] Suicide results from many complex sociocultural factors and is more likely to occur during periods of socioeconomic, family and individual crisis (e.g. loss of a loved one, unemployment, sexual orientation,[16] difficulties with developing one's identity, disassociation from one's community or other social/belief group, and honour)."[14]

"Data on suicide and suicide attempts in immigrants are scarce. There is also a great need for more systematic data on the immigrants in Europe and their distress, as manifested specifically in suicidal behaviour, particularly in women.[3] [..] Little research has focused on the relation of immigration and suicidal behaviour in youth. Nevertheless, the impact of migration on the mental health of youth is an issue of increasing societal importance. Studies on suicidal behaviour in culturally diverse youth are few and most of the existing research does not differentiate ethnic minorities from immigrants. [..] More than 1 in 4 Australian suicides are of migrants.[17] What is striking about immigration as a risk factor for suicidal behavior is its universality."[18]

"The main suicide triggers are poverty, unemployment, the loss of a loved one, arguments and legal or work-related problems [..] The disparity in suicide rates has been partly explained by the use of more lethal means and the experience of more aggression and higher intent to die [..] in men than women."[6][13]

Late 1890s recorded first gender-related observation on suicide by Émile Durkheim: according to statistics of the time, more men died of suicide than women every year. Also, Durkheim mentioned relations between western industrialization, modern communities and vulnerability to self-destructive behavior, suggesting social norms and pressures have effects on suicide.[10][19]

Reinforcement of male gender roles such as strength, independence, risk-taking behavior, often prevents males from seeking help for suicidal feelings and depression.[20][21] It is observed that shifting cultural attitudes about gender roles and social norms and especially ideas about masculinity, may also contribute to closing the gender gap.[5][7][22]

Suicidal behavior is also subject of study for economists since about the 1970s: although national costs of suicide and suicide attempts (up to 20 for every one completed suicide) are very high, suicide prevention is hampered by scarce resources for lack of interest by mental health advocates and legislators; and moreover, personal interests even financial are studied with regards to suicide attempts for example, in which insights are given that often "individuals contemplating suicide do not just choose between life and death [..] the resulting formula contains a somewhat paradoxical conclusion: attempting suicide can be a rational choice, but only if there is a high likelihood it will cause the attempter's life to significantly improve."[23][24] In the United States alone, yearly costs of suicide and suicide attempts are comprised in 50-100 billion dollars.[25][26]

"In much of the world, suicide is stigmatized and condemned for religious or cultural reasons. In some countries, suicidal behaviour is a criminal offence punishable by law. Suicide is therefore often a secretive act surrounded by taboo, and may be unrecognized, misclassified or deliberately hidden in official records of death."[9]

"Stigma, particularly surrounding mental disorders and suicide, means many people thinking of taking their own life or who have attempted suicide are not seeking help and are therefore not getting the help they need. The prevention of suicide has not been adequately addressed due to a lack of awareness of suicide as a major public health problem and the taboo in many societies to openly discuss it."

"Raising community awareness and breaking down the taboo is important for countries to make progress in preventing suicide."[27]

Social stigma is considered as well a "major barrier" to suicide prevention, and "the underlying motive for discrimination [..] caused by lack of knowledge - ignorance [..] One extreme example is the criminalization of suicidal behaviour, which still occurs in many countries."[28][29]

Per recent releases, the World Health Organization warns about social stigma towards suicidal behavior and psychiatric patients, and the taboo to openly discuss suicide, representing to date challenges and obstacles for suicide prevention policies along with low availability and quality of data.[27]

Table
Male–Female suicide ratios by SDG region (rev. April 2018)[30]
SDG region   2015     2010     2005     2000  
  Europe 3.8 4.0 4.1 4.0
  Northern America and Europe 3.6 3.8 3.9 3.9
  Latin America and the Caribbean 3.5 3.4 3.4 3.6
  Northern America 3.2 3.4 3.4 3.6
  Australia and New Zealand 2.8 2.9 3.0 3.5
  Oceania 2.8 2.8 2.9 3.2
  Oceania excluding Australia and New Zealand
2.7 2.5 2.4 2.2
  South-eastern Asia 2.3 2.3 2.2 2.0
  Central Asia and Southern Asia 1.2 1.2 1.1 1.2
  Eastern Asia and South-eastern Asia 1.2 1.1 1.1 1.0
  Southern Asia 1.2 1.2 1.1 1.2
  Eastern Asia 1.1 1.0 1.0 0.9
  Global 1.74 1.66 1.65 1.65
Table
Male and Female suicide rates (per 100,000) by SDG region (rev. April 2018)[30]
SDG region    2015      2010      2005      2000    
 Male   Female   Male   Female   Male   Female   Male   Female 
  Europe 28 7 32 8 38 9 40 10
  Northern America and Europe 26 7 28 7 32 8 33 8
  Latin America and the Caribbean 11 3 10 3 10 3 10 3
  Northern America 23 7 21 6 19 6 18 5
  Australia and New Zealand 20 7 19 7 19 6 21 6
  Oceania 17 6 16 6 16 6 18 6
  Oceania excluding Australia and New Zealand
9 3 8 3 8 3 10 4
  South-eastern Asia 8 4 8 4 8 4 8 4
  Central Asia and Southern Asia 15 12 15 12 16 14 16 13
  Eastern Asia and South-eastern Asia 11 9 12 10 12 11 12 12
  Southern Asia 14 12 15 13 15 14 16 14
  Eastern Asia 12 11 13 13 13 13 14 15
  Global 14 8 14 9 15 9 16 10


Notes and further readings
  1. Suicide rates (per 100 000 population) Age-standardized rates: male:female ratio (2012).
    Suicide rates by GBD super region (2012).
  2. The gender paradox in suicidal behavior and its impact on the suicidal process. (2012).
    Gender differences in suicidal behavior (2014).
    Gender differences in suicide methods (2010-2011).
  3. a b Gender distribution of suicide attempts among immigrant groups in European countries—an international perspective (2012).
  4. Why are men more likely than women to take their own lives? (2015).
    Need Therapy? A Good Man Is Hard to Find (2011).
    Suicide among Young Men: Self-esteem regulation in transition to adult life (2013).
    Men die by suicide at alarming rates. This hashtag tells men ‘it’s okay to talk’ about their emotions. (2016).
    Why Are Men More Likely Than Women To Take Their Own Lives? (2015).
    Masculinities and suicide (2008).
  5. a b Men, Suicide and Society - Full report.
  6. a b World Suicide Prevention Day - 10 September, 2012 (2012).
  7. a b Suicide, male honour and the masculinity paradox: its impact on the ADF (2018).
  8. The gender paradox in suicide. (1998).
    Routledge International Handbook of Clinical Suicide Research (2016).
  9. a b Self-directed violence (2002).
  10. a b Encyclopedia of Gender and Society (p. 817) (2009).
  11. 中国的自杀率,为何下降得比任何国家都快? (2018).
  12. Inuit youth celebrate life on World Suicide Day (2011). Archived from the original on 20 August 2017.
    Alaska Observes World Suicide Prevention Day and Alaska Suicide Prevention Month (2004).
    World Suicide Prevention Day - Wikipedia.
  13. a b World Suicide Prevention Day is marked (2004).
  14. a b Suicide Statistics.
  15. Preventing suicide - A global imperative — Executive summary (2014).
  16. Suicide Attempts among Transgender and Gender Non-Conforming Adults (2014).
  17. Immigration and Suicidality in the Young (2010).
    Migrant suicides – more than 1 in 4 Australian suicides are of migrants but discussion is lost in translation (2016).
  18. Immigration and risk for suicide (2012).
  19. Emile Durkheim (1858-1917).
  20. The social construction of gender and its influence on suicide: a review of the literature (2008).
  21. The gender gap in suicide and premature death or: why are men so vulnerable? (2003).
  22. The social construction of gender and its influence on suicide: a review of the literature (2008).
    Examining Gender Differences in Risk Factors for Suicide Attempts Made 1 and 7 Years Later in a Nationally Representative Sample (2011).
    Men and Society - Media version.
  23. The Economics of Suicide (2003).
  24. The Economics of Suicide (2003).
  25. Costs of Suicide. Archived from the original on 2019-04-16. Retrieved on 2018-03-10.
  26. Suicide Statistics — AFSP. Archived from the original on 2016-09-02. Retrieved on 2018-03-10.
  27. a b Suicide - Challenges and obstacles (2017).
  28. World Suicide Prevention Day - 10 September, 2013 - Stigma: A Major Barrier to Suicide Prevention (2013).
  29. World Suicide Prevention 2013 Facts & Figures PowerPoint Presentation (2013).
  30. a b Suicide rates, crude Data by SDG Region (2018).
  • Age-standardization is computed by WHO to correlate country-based differences in age distributions enhancing cross-national comparability, and has little bearing on the crude prevalence of suicide: this age-adjustement accounts for the influence that different population age distributions might have on the analysis of crude death rates. Where crude death rates of the younger age groups tend to prevail, rates are rounded up, whereas they are rounded down when more evenly distributed across all age-groups: for example, countries composed by many young individuals and fewer elderly on average have their crude rates rounded up, because of the greater convergence of death rates in younger age-groups compared to other countries. Real suicide rates may differ slightly, because age-adjusted rates are mortality rates that would have existed if the populations under study had the same age distribution as a "standard" population.
  • Map may contain errors of topographic, geopolitical, data obsolescence nature or other.
  • Very small territories may not be depicted due to their size or picture resolution.
  • Disputed territories between states may be included in the statistics of either the sovereign state(s) administrating them, or of those claiming sovereignty.
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当前2021年3月7日 (日) 03:342021年3月7日 (日) 03:34版本的缩略图2,500 × 1,599(678 KB)HomemMédioSee post at https://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/User_talk:HomemM%C3%A9dio for a lengthier summary (because of the character limit here) - in simple words, last week SuperSucker recalled about map building, that maps look better and more reputable when free from graphic inclusions (such as legends and typings).
2020年12月31日 (四) 13:462020年12月31日 (四) 13:46版本的缩略图2,500 × 1,800(730 KB)NoTengoFriendsbetter legend - original author confided me he was never able to make the smaller legend more legible himself
2020年12月21日 (一) 03:122020年12月21日 (一) 03:12版本的缩略图2,500 × 1,800(737 KB)NoTengoFriendsReverted to version as of 02:40, 21 December 2020 (UTC) He also thinks green looks childish, simply childish, thus readers are both less likely to click on "More details" and to get the point from reading the description. I just heard him on the phone and he's freaking out and told me to just leave the .SVG version green and the .PNG version blue. It's the best compromise he can think of. If we can't handle the stalking tomorrow or in the future we'll just give them the stupid green color.
2020年12月21日 (一) 02:572020年12月21日 (一) 02:57版本的缩略图2,500 × 1,800(783 KB)NoTengoFriendsReverted to version as of 02:08, 21 December 2020 (UTC) However, SuperSucker and me agreed that if they want it green in order to stop stalking us (see his talk page for more on that, the part where I was reverted last) then let that be. It's impossible to take legal action against what they do anyway. They keep on bragging that climate change is becoming important and so that green is best, while they harass us.
2020年12月21日 (一) 02:402020年12月21日 (一) 02:40版本的缩略图2,500 × 1,800(737 KB)NoTengoFriendsReverted to version as of 01:54, 21 December 2020 (UTC) He also thinks green does likely misconceive readers who get to read the description. He thinks readers will read it with a feminist bias and thus won't get the point, which is that the male excess in suicide rates is a health issue, and not a fact of life based on whether born male or female.
2020年12月21日 (一) 02:082020年12月21日 (一) 02:08版本的缩略图2,500 × 1,800(783 KB)NoTengoFriendsReverted to version as of 01:15, 21 December 2020 (UTC) And by the way, anything written like SuperSucker does, that is, without a feminist bias, is reverted at wikipedia, which is why he wrote the long description under the maps instead. We think the EU feminists and parties stalking him (and now me as well) are concerned now because of the Brexit trade deal to be signed in these very days, and because of Biden's election (just as they were pumped for Trump's presidency before). Go figure out.
2020年12月21日 (一) 01:542020年12月21日 (一) 01:54版本的缩略图2,500 × 1,800(737 KB)NoTengoFriendsReverted to version as of 22:31, 14 December 2020 (UTC) SuperSucker's only concern with the map's main color being green is that readers are less likely to click on "More details" (from the wikipedia pages that link the maps) and thus land on the wikimedia page where the entire subject of male and female suicide is explained properly. He says he doesn't wanna think about it anymore anyway, and wonder why they don't revert the maps themselves. They're all very awkward.
2020年12月21日 (一) 01:152020年12月21日 (一) 01:15版本的缩略图2,500 × 1,800(783 KB)NoTengoFriendsReverted to version as of 06:22, 7 December 2020 (UTC) EU feminists came back at both of us again after I (MedicalWorker, banned a couple of days ago) uploaded a blue version of the triple maps to replace the two green ones (see also SuperSucker's talk page, last revert). Yesterday they convinced us to revert at least the .SVG version of the triple map. Today they forced us to have this one (.PNG version) reverted to green as well. They brag that the climate change topic is growing.
2020年12月14日 (一) 22:312020年12月14日 (一) 22:31版本的缩略图2,500 × 1,800(737 KB)MedicalWorkerabove 4.0 countries were blue a bit too deep
2020年12月13日 (日) 22:522020年12月13日 (日) 22:52版本的缩略图2,500 × 1,800(738 KB)MedicalWorkerblue too deep
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