使用者:TNTErick/白一平中古漢語拼音轉寫系統

白一平中古漢語拼音轉寫系統是白一平(英語：William H. Baxter)研究上古漢語音系時作為參考點而使用的一種中古音韻轉寫。值得注意的是，這並不是一個語音重構，而是將此字在中古韻書中的音韻地位轉寫至衍生拉丁字母以方便整理、溝通。

中古漢語語音的證據

^[1]

The centre of the study of Chinese historical phonology is the Qieyun, a rime dictionary created by Lu Fayan in 601 as a guide to the proper reading of classic texts. The dictionary divided characters between the four tones, which were subdivided into 193 rhyme groups and then into homophone groups. The pronunciation of each homophone group is given by a fanqie formula, a pair of common characters respectively indicating the initial and final sounds of the syllable. Lu Fayan's work was very influential, and led to a series of expanded and corrected versions following the same structure. The most important of these was the Guangyun (1007–08), in which the number of rhyme groups was increased to 206, though without significantly changing the phonological system of the Qieyun. Since the Qieyun was thought lost until the mid-20th century, most scholarship has been based on the Guangyun, and its rhyme categories are still used. The Qing dynasty scholar Chen Li analysed the fanqie spellings of the Guangyun, determining which initial and final spellers represented the same sounds, and thus enumerating the initials and finals of the underlying system.^[2]^[3]

A series of rime tables from the Song dynasty applied a sophisticated analysis to the Qieyun system, though the language had changed in the interim. The initials were identified and categorized by place and manner of articulation. Finals were classified into 16 rhyme classes (攝 shè). Within each rhyme class, syllables were classified as either "open" (開 kāi) or "closed" (合 hé), as belonging to one of the four tones, and as belonging to one of four divisions (等 děng), indicated by rows of the table. The Qing philologists found that some of the finals of the rime dictionaries were always placed in the first row, some always in the second and some always in the fourth, and they were thus named finals of divisions I, II and IV respectively. The remaining finals were spread across the second, third and fourth rows, and were later called division III finals.^[4]^[5] The division III finals can be further subdivided on the basis of their distribution:

Independent or pure division III finals occur only the third row of the rime tables, and occur only with labial, velar or laryngeal initials.
Mixed division III finals occur in the second, third and fourth rows of the rime tables.
The so-called chóngniǔ are doublets of division III finals, one occurring in the third row of the rime tables and the other in the fourth, but not distinguished in any other way. These finals also occur only with labial, velar or laryngeal initials.^[1]

白一平's notation

There have been many attempts to reconstruct the sounds or phonemes of the Qieyun system, conventionally called Early Middle Chinese, yielding a series of alphabetic transcriptions. Each of these is disputed to some extent, and many scholars doubt that the system corresponds to any single form of speech. The custom in Chinese scholarship is to neutrally describe a syllable with a string of six characters identifying its 攝 shè, whether it is 開 kāi or 合 hé, the division, tone, Guangyun rime and initial. Needing a reference point for his reconstruction of Old Chinese phonology, 白一平 designed an alphabetical presentation of the same information, rather than a reconstruction.^[6] His system is a significant simplification of the Karlgren–Li reconstruction of Middle Chinese, but retains a similar structure, especially in the treatment of medials and vowels.^[7]

聲母

白一平系統的聲母轉寫如下:

	塞音與塞擦音			鼻音	擦音		流音	可拼韻等
	全清	次清	全濁	次濁	次清	次濁	流音	可拼韻等
雙唇音	幫 p-	滂 ph-	並 b-	明 m-				all
舌冠齒音	端 t-	透 th-	定 d-	泥 n-				I and IV
邊音						來 l-		I, III and IV
捲舌音	知 tr-	徹 trh-	澄 dr-	娘 nr-				II
齒噝音	精 ts-	清 tsh-	從 dz-		心 s-	邪 z-		I, III and IV
捲舌噝音	莊 tsr-	初 tsrh-	崇 dzr-		生 sr-	俟 zr-		II
硬齶音	章 tsy-	昌 tsyh-	禪 dzy-	日 ny-	書 sy-	船 zy-	以 y-	III
軟齶	見 k-	溪 kh-	群 g-	疑 ng-				all
咽音	影 ʔ-				曉 x-	匣/雲 h-		all

註：

-r-、-y-、-h-三個字母並不獨立發音，而是捲舌、顎化、送氣標記。
匣母h-可能是靠後的有聲擦音如[ɣ]或[ɦ]；而曉母x-可能是其對應的無聲擦音([x]或[h])。^[8]
In the rime tables, the palatal allophone of 雲 is combined with 以 as a single initial 喻.

韻母

Finals with vocalic endings could occur in the level, rising or departing tones; the few that occurred only in the departing tone are marked with -H in the following table. The chóngniǔ doublets of division III finals are not distinguished in the traditional categories. Adopting a purely notational device of 李方桂, 白一平 used the spelling -ji- for finals occurring in the fourth row of the rime tables, retaining -j- for those occurring in the third row.

Vocalic codas
韻攝	開 kāi					合 hé
韻攝	Div. I	Div. II	III mixed	III indep.	Div. IV	Div. I	Div. II	III mixed	III indep.	Div. IV
果 guǒ	歌 -a		歌 -ja			戈 -wa		戈 -jwa
假 jiǎ		麻 -æ	麻 -jæ				麻 -wæ
遇 yù			魚 -jo
遇 yù	模 -u		虞 -ju
蟹 xiè	咍 -oj	皆 -ɛj	祭 -j(i)ejH		齊 -ej	灰 -woj	皆 -wɛj	祭 -jw(i)ejH		齊 -wej
		佳 -ɛɨ					佳 -wɛɨ
	泰 -ajH	夬 -æjH		廢 -jojH		泰 -wajH	夬 -wæjH		廢 -jwojH
止 zhǐ			支 -j(i)e					支 -jw(i)e
			脂 -(j)ij					脂 -(j)wij
			之 -i	微 -jɨj					微 -jwɨj
效 xiào	豪 -aw	肴 -æw	宵 -j(i)ew		蕭 -ew
流 liú	侯 -uw		尤 -juw	幽 -jiw^[a]

The -j- of division III finals is omitted after palatal initials, which end in -y-.^[10]

以 -m 、 -n 和 -ng 鼻音結尾的韻母，可以出現於平、上、去三個聲調，相對應的 -p, -t 和 k 爲入聲聲調。

鼻音韻母
韻攝	開 kāi					合 hé
韻攝	Div. I	Div. II	III mixed	III indep.	Div. IV	Div. I	Div. II	III mixed	III indep.	Div. IV
咸 xián	談 -am	銜 -æm		嚴 -jæm					凡 -jom
咸 xián	覃 -om	咸 -ɛm	鹽 -j(i)em		添 -em
深 shēn			侵 -(j)im
山 shān	寒 -an	刪 -æn		元 -jon		桓 -wan	刪 -wæn		元 -jwon
山 shān		山 -ɛn	仙 -j(i)en		先 -en		山 -wɛn	仙 -jw(i)en		先 -wen
瑧 zhēn	痕 -on		臻 -in^[b]	殷 -jɨn		魂 -won			文 -jun
瑧 zhēn			真 -(j)in					諄 -(j)win
宕 dàng	唐 -ang		陽 -jang			唐 -wang		陽 -jwang
梗 gěng		庚 -æng		庚 -jæng			庚 -wæng		庚 -jwæng
梗 gěng		耕 -ɛng	清 -jieng^[c]		青 -eng		耕 -wɛng	清 -jwieng		青 -weng
曾 zēng	登 -ong		蒸 -ing			登 -wong		蒸 -wing
通 tōng	東 -uwng		東 -juwng
通 tōng	冬 -owng		鍾 -jowng
江 jiāng		江 -æwng

四聲的標示

平聲不標示、上聲在字尾加一個大寫X、去聲用H 來做標示。^[13]

記

^ The 幽 -jiw final also occurs after a few dental and sibilant initials, where it is spelled -iw.^[9]
^ The 臻 -in final occurs only after retroflex sibilants, and is in complementary distribution with 真 -in.^[11]
^ The 清 -jieng final is spelled -jeng after dental and sibilant initials.^[12]

參考文獻

引用

^ ^1.0 ^1.1 Baxter (1992)，第69–81頁.
^ Norman (1988)，第24–28頁.
^ Baxter (1992)，第33–40頁.
^ Norman (1988)，第28–34頁.
^ Baxter (1992)，第41–43頁.
^ Baxter (1992)，第27, 818–819頁.
^ Branner (2006)，第269頁.
^ Baxter (1992)，第45–46頁.
^ Baxter (1992)，第81頁.
^ Baxter (1992)，第31頁.
^ Baxter (1992)，第821頁.
^ Baxter (1992)，第80–81頁.
^ Baxter (1992)，第31–32頁.

Works cited

外部連結

Baxter, William H. An Etymological Dictionary of Common Chinese Characters (PDF). 28 October 2000 [2016-04-30]. （原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2016-03-04）.

Baxter, William H. Middle Chinese readings in Baxter's notation for 9000 Guangyun characters. 7 August 2006.

[10] The 幽 -jiw final also occurs after a few dental and sibilant initials, where it is spelled -iw.^[9]

[13] The 臻 -in final occurs only after retroflex sibilants, and is in complementary distribution with 真 -in.^[11]

[15] The 清 -jieng final is spelled -jeng after dental and sibilant initials.^[12]

[FOOTNOTEBaxter199269–81-1] 1.0 ^1.1 Baxter (1992)，第69–81頁.

[FOOTNOTENorman198824–28-2] Norman (1988)，第24–28頁.

[FOOTNOTEBaxter199233–40-3] Baxter (1992)，第33–40頁.

[FOOTNOTENorman198828–34-4] Norman (1988)，第28–34頁.

[FOOTNOTEBaxter199241–43-5] Baxter (1992)，第41–43頁.

[FOOTNOTEBaxter199227,_818–819-6] Baxter (1992)，第27, 818–819頁.

[FOOTNOTEBranner2006269-7] Branner (2006)，第269頁.

[FOOTNOTEBaxter199245–46-8] Baxter (1992)，第45–46頁.

[FOOTNOTEBaxter199281-9] Baxter (1992)，第81頁.

[FOOTNOTEBaxter199231-11] Baxter (1992)，第31頁.

[FOOTNOTEBaxter1992821-12] Baxter (1992)，第821頁.

[FOOTNOTEBaxter199280–81-14] Baxter (1992)，第80–81頁.

[FOOTNOTEBaxter199231–32-16] Baxter (1992)，第31–32頁.

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