模板討論:中國人權律師

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| sect1 =維權律師 | abbr1 =Person | list1 =

陳光誠 Chen Guangcheng

  1. 來源搜尋:"Weiquan lushi" Chen Guangcheng」——Google:網頁新聞學術圖書圖片;百度:網頁新聞學術圖片知網工具書JSTOR維基百科圖書館Report
  2. 來源搜尋:"china" rights protection lawyers Chen」——Google:網頁新聞學術圖書圖片;百度:網頁新聞學術圖片知網工具書JSTOR維基百科圖書館Report
  3. 來源搜尋:"Weiquan lushi" 陳光誠」——Google:網頁新聞學術圖書圖片;百度:網頁新聞學術圖片知網工具書JSTOR維基百科圖書館Report
  4. 來源搜尋:"china" rights protection lawyers 陳光誠」——Google:網頁新聞學術圖書圖片;百度:網頁新聞學術圖片知網工具書JSTOR維基百科圖書館Report
  5. 來源搜尋:"維權律師" 陳光誠」——Google:網頁新聞學術圖書圖片;百度:網頁新聞學術圖片知網工具書JSTOR維基百科圖書館Report
找到學術期刊主要文章[1]

The China Quarterly, Volume 205 / March 2011, pp 40-59 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0305741010001384 (About DOI), Published online: 01 April 2011

此文的完整書目及摘要資料見此[2],Hualing, Fu; Richard Cullen. Climbing the Weiquan Ladder: A Radicalizing Process for Rights-Protection Lawyers. The China Quarterly. 2011, 205: 40–59. doi:10.1017/S0305741010001384. 

提到以下

There are multiple entry points to weiquan lawyering. Some lawyers are clearly motivated by a particular event, such as the generation of 1989. He Weifang 賀衛方, Zhu Jiuhu 朱久虎, Pu Zhiqiang 浦志強, Mo Shaoping 莫少平 and a few others became dedicated to political reform through law largely because of their personal experiences in the June Fourth Incident in 1989.5 Their political lawyering thus needs to be looked at within this context. There is also the generation of 2003 when lawyers and the public at large reacted passionately to the wrongful death of a young man named Sun Zhigang 孫志剛 who was initially detained by the police for failing to carry a proper identity card. Famous human rights advocates Teng Biao 滕彪 and Xu Zhiyong 許志永 made their debut by petitioning the national legislature to abolish a central government regulation authorizing the detention.6

Few of the radical lawyers were political at the beginning of their legal careers; they are transformed by their legal experiences and became radical because of their sympathy for, and later identification with, their clients, and their frustration with the legal and political process. Lawyers like Gao Zhisheng 高智晟, Chen Guangcheng 陳光誠, Tang Jingling 唐荊陵, Zhang Xingshui 張星水, Li Boguang 李柏光, Jiang Tianyong 江天勇, Li Xiongbing 黎雄兵 and Yang Zaixin 楊在新 typically started by providing pro bono legal assistance and then encountered difficult cases. These were often cases with a degree of political sensitivity that mainstream lawyers were less likely to take.....

The People's Daily, the CCP's mouthpiece, twice publicized Hao Jinsong's 郝勁松 actions in filing a series of lawsuits against the Ministry of Railways and other high-ranking government offices for illicit fee-charging, and called for citizens to follow this example to seek legal protection of rights rationally.13 An important point is that there are many lawyers and advocates who are doing exactly what Chen Guangcheng and Gao Zhisheng did a few years ago before their direct confrontation with the government and the system.

One consequence of legal hostility to weiquan cases is that most lawyers practise self-censorship and refrain from touching cases they know may draw hostile official responses. According to lawyers from Shanghai, no lawyers are willing to take on land appropriation cases in the whole of Shanghai after the persecution of lawyer Zheng Enchong 鄭恩寵 for 「leaking state secrets.」35 Political dissidents typically experience difficulties in finding lawyers who are willing to defend their cases with vigour. Lawyers like Mo Shaoping, Zhang Sizhi 張思之, Teng Biao and a few others have represented most of the political dissidents and other lawyers in trouble.

Lawyer Li Jianqiang 李建強 advised younger weiquan lawyers that the best way to avoid persecution while working as a weiquan lawyer is to do it without talking about it.

Less moderate lawyers tend to be more doubtful of their ability to understand just where the line is drawn. They are well aware that the government may find excuses to harass and punish them, and therefore become cautious not only in their professional life but also in their daily life. While aggressive in the court room in suing local government departments, barefoot lawyer Zhou Guangli 周廣立 was actually a 「model villager」 and well-behaved, to the extent that he would never violate any rules of the government, even the apparently unlawful ones. He did so only to prevent giving the government any excuse for harassment.49 Another lawyer described his underground working strategy:

Lawyers with political status and more institutional support are treated more leniently than an ordinary weiquan lawyer. The best example is Guo Feixiong 郭飛雄 in the Taishi village election case. The police in Guangdong 廣東 named three 「black hands」 behind the recall campaign: Lu Banglie 呂邦列, Ai Xiaoming 艾曉明 and Guo Feixiong. But Guo was the only one singled out for investigation and harassment.51

signed

--(研究維基v百度百科hanteng) 2013年3月12日 (二) 06:12 (UTC)回覆

請主編舉一反三

按上面的findsources模版,填入人名中英文關鍵字,找到相關可靠來源。--(研究維基v百度百科hanteng) 2013年3月12日 (二) 07:23 (UTC)回覆

調整方案

    • (!)意見--感謝 Wildcursive 與 提刪者 烏拉管理員 溝通協調,化解爭議。在下接受「折衷方案」,建立 「適當條目+分類+適當模板」的組合 來收錄 中國維權律師 。折衷方案如下:
      1. 參考香港中國維權律師關注組網頁的維權律師簡介(另有年度報告等)以增補中國維權律師關注組這條目,並創建中國維權律師條目,
      2. 重建新的Template:中國維權律師模板。名單所收錄人士只限該組織/網站所關切/介紹者(和你現有名單大同小異,可能還更多),並(1)註明來源是這個組織(除非另有合理可靠來源亦提出類似的較高關注度名單);(2)加註「更完整名單可參見分類:中國維權律師」(該組織未關切/介紹之個別人物條目亦可加上該分類)。則模板表面可見名單俱有權威限定來源;其他符合各來源或Hanteng所附定義者亦可透過點入模板上的分類看到。其餘相關條目連結等內容應無太大爭議。此外,考量到陳光誠迄今尚不具法律上律師資格,某些用字或可考慮放寬為「維權法律工作者」。這應該是個可兼顧標題、內容、與納入/不納入標準(實質與形式)的折衷方案。Wetrace留言2013年3月17日 (日) 00:50 (UTC)回覆

2013年3月存廢討論

這Template box標題是什麼回事?

只說了 中國的人權維護運動 既不符合Template name也不符合內容吧?——C933103(留言) 2013年10月3日 (四) 16:40 (UTC)回覆

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