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陈光诚 Chen Guangcheng

  1. 来源搜索:"Weiquan lushi" Chen Guangcheng”——Google:网页新闻学术图书图片;百度:网页新闻学术图片知网工具书JSTOR维基百科图书馆Report
  2. 来源搜索:"china" rights protection lawyers Chen”——Google:网页新闻学术图书图片;百度:网页新闻学术图片知网工具书JSTOR维基百科图书馆Report
  3. 来源搜索:"Weiquan lushi" 陳光誠”——Google:网页新闻学术图书图片;百度:网页新闻学术图片知网工具书JSTOR维基百科图书馆Report
  4. 来源搜索:"china" rights protection lawyers 陳光誠”——Google:网页新闻学术图书图片;百度:网页新闻学术图片知网工具书JSTOR维基百科图书馆Report
  5. 来源搜索:"維權律師" 陳光誠”——Google:网页新闻学术图书图片;百度:网页新闻学术图片知网工具书JSTOR维基百科图书馆Report
找到学术期刊主要文章[1]

The China Quarterly, Volume 205 / March 2011, pp 40-59 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0305741010001384 (About DOI), Published online: 01 April 2011

此文的完整书目及摘要资料见此[2],Hualing, Fu; Richard Cullen. Climbing the Weiquan Ladder: A Radicalizing Process for Rights-Protection Lawyers. The China Quarterly. 2011, 205: 40–59. doi:10.1017/S0305741010001384. 

提到以下

There are multiple entry points to weiquan lawyering. Some lawyers are clearly motivated by a particular event, such as the generation of 1989. He Weifang 贺卫方, Zhu Jiuhu 朱久虎, Pu Zhiqiang 浦志强, Mo Shaoping 莫少平 and a few others became dedicated to political reform through law largely because of their personal experiences in the June Fourth Incident in 1989.5 Their political lawyering thus needs to be looked at within this context. There is also the generation of 2003 when lawyers and the public at large reacted passionately to the wrongful death of a young man named Sun Zhigang 孙志刚 who was initially detained by the police for failing to carry a proper identity card. Famous human rights advocates Teng Biao 滕彪 and Xu Zhiyong 许志永 made their debut by petitioning the national legislature to abolish a central government regulation authorizing the detention.6

Few of the radical lawyers were political at the beginning of their legal careers; they are transformed by their legal experiences and became radical because of their sympathy for, and later identification with, their clients, and their frustration with the legal and political process. Lawyers like Gao Zhisheng 高智晟, Chen Guangcheng 陈光诚, Tang Jingling 唐荆陵, Zhang Xingshui 张星水, Li Boguang 李柏光, Jiang Tianyong 江天勇, Li Xiongbing 黎雄兵 and Yang Zaixin 杨在新 typically started by providing pro bono legal assistance and then encountered difficult cases. These were often cases with a degree of political sensitivity that mainstream lawyers were less likely to take.....

The People's Daily, the CCP's mouthpiece, twice publicized Hao Jinsong's 郝劲松 actions in filing a series of lawsuits against the Ministry of Railways and other high-ranking government offices for illicit fee-charging, and called for citizens to follow this example to seek legal protection of rights rationally.13 An important point is that there are many lawyers and advocates who are doing exactly what Chen Guangcheng and Gao Zhisheng did a few years ago before their direct confrontation with the government and the system.

One consequence of legal hostility to weiquan cases is that most lawyers practise self-censorship and refrain from touching cases they know may draw hostile official responses. According to lawyers from Shanghai, no lawyers are willing to take on land appropriation cases in the whole of Shanghai after the persecution of lawyer Zheng Enchong 郑恩宠 for “leaking state secrets.”35 Political dissidents typically experience difficulties in finding lawyers who are willing to defend their cases with vigour. Lawyers like Mo Shaoping, Zhang Sizhi 张思之, Teng Biao and a few others have represented most of the political dissidents and other lawyers in trouble.

Lawyer Li Jianqiang 李建强 advised younger weiquan lawyers that the best way to avoid persecution while working as a weiquan lawyer is to do it without talking about it.

Less moderate lawyers tend to be more doubtful of their ability to understand just where the line is drawn. They are well aware that the government may find excuses to harass and punish them, and therefore become cautious not only in their professional life but also in their daily life. While aggressive in the court room in suing local government departments, barefoot lawyer Zhou Guangli 周广立 was actually a “model villager” and well-behaved, to the extent that he would never violate any rules of the government, even the apparently unlawful ones. He did so only to prevent giving the government any excuse for harassment.49 Another lawyer described his underground working strategy:

Lawyers with political status and more institutional support are treated more leniently than an ordinary weiquan lawyer. The best example is Guo Feixiong 郭飞雄 in the Taishi village election case. The police in Guangdong 广东 named three “black hands” behind the recall campaign: Lu Banglie 吕邦列, Ai Xiaoming 艾晓明 and Guo Feixiong. But Guo was the only one singled out for investigation and harassment.51

signed

--(研究维基v百度百科hanteng) 2013年3月12日 (二) 06:12 (UTC)回复

请主编举一反三

按上面的findsources模版,填入人名中英文关键字,找到相关可靠来源。--(研究维基v百度百科hanteng) 2013年3月12日 (二) 07:23 (UTC)回复

调整方案

    • (!)意见--感谢 Wildcursive 与 提删者 乌拉管理员 沟通协调,化解争议。在下接受“折衷方案”,建立 “适当条目+分类+适当模板”的组合 来收录 中国维权律师 。折衷方案如下:
      1. 参考香港中国维权律师关注组网页的维权律师简介(另有年度报告等)以增补中国维权律师关注组这条目,并创建中国维权律师条目,
      2. 重建新的Template:中国维权律师模板。名单所收录人士只限该组织/网站所关切/介绍者(和你现有名单大同小异,可能还更多),并(1)注明来源是这个组织(除非另有合理可靠来源亦提出类似的较高关注度名单);(2)加注“更完整名单可参见分类:中国维权律师”(该组织未关切/介绍之个别人物条目亦可加上该分类)。则模板表面可见名单俱有权威限定来源;其他符合各来源或Hanteng所附定义者亦可透过点入模板上的分类看到。其余相关条目连结等内容应无太大争议。此外,考量到陈光诚迄今尚不具法律上律师资格,某些用字或可考虑放宽为“维权法律工作者”。这应该是个可兼顾标题、内容、与纳入/不纳入标准(实质与形式)的折衷方案。Wetrace留言2013年3月17日 (日) 00:50 (UTC)回复

2013年3月存废讨论

这Template box标题是什么回事?

只说了 中国的人权维护运动 既不符合Template name也不符合内容吧?——C933103(留言) 2013年10月3日 (四) 16:40 (UTC)回复

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